The US government may be corrupt and unethical, but it is its citizens that are fighting back. This does not mean that other nations are less corrupt and more ethical, it is the other way round.
Unfair verdict on Manning
July 30, 2013 -- Updated 2210 GMT (0610 HKT)
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
- Douglas Rushkoff: Manning found guilty of espionage. Why is whistle-blowing punishable?
- He says U.S. government hasn't faced it can't control info in digital age of easy access
- He says Manning exposed objectionable official actions of U.S.--not secrets, but approaches
- Rushkoff: The transparency of a digital age means U.S. has no choice but to do right thing
Editor's note: Douglas Rushkoff writes a regular column for CNN.com. He is a media theorist and the author of the new book "Present Shock: When Everything Happens Now."
(CNN) -- Pfc. Bradley Manning, who provided
classified government documents to Wikileaks detailing, among other
things, America's undisclosed policies on torture, was found guilty of
espionage on Tuesday. The verdict comes on the 235th anniversary
of the passage of America's first whistle-blower protection law,
approved by the Continental Congress after two Navy officers were
arrested and harassed for having reported the torture of British
prisoners.
How have we gotten to the
place where the revelation of torture is no longer laudable
whistle-blowing, but now counts as espionage?
The answer is that
government has not yet come to terms with the persistence and
transparency of the digital age. Information moves so fast and to so
many places that controlling it is no longer an option. Every datapoint,
whether a perverted tweet by an aspiring mayor or a classified video of
Reuters news staffers being gunned down by an Apache helicopter, will
somehow find the light of day. It's enough to make any administration
tremble, but it's particularly traumatic for one with things to hide.
Douglas Rushkoff
That's why they tried to throw the book, and then some, at Manning.
Prosecutors cast simple Internet commands known to any halfway literate Internet user
(or anyone who used the Internet back in the early '90s) as clandestine
codes used only by hackers to steal data. That Osama bin Laden could
download these files off the Wikileaks website (along with millions of
other people) became justification for classifying the whistle-blowing
as espionage, an act of war. And Manning is just one of a record seven Americans charged with violating the Espionage Act in a single administration.
But prosecuting those
whose keyboards or USB sticks may have been technically responsible for
the revelations is futile. The more networked we become and the more
data we collect, the more likely something will eventually find its way
out. After all, a security culture based on surveillance and big data
cuts both ways.
Moreover, harsh reaction
to digital whistle-blowers only increases the greater population's
suspicions that more information is being hidden.
Manning not guilty of aiding enemy
Manning smiles after hearing verdict
Manning not guilty of aiding enemy
Sharing secrets: U.S. intelligence leaks
In this one leaking incident, Manning exposed allegations of torture, undisclosed civilian death tolls in Afghanistan and Iraq, official orders not to investigate torture by nations holding our prisoners, accusations of the torture of Spanish prisoners at Guantanamo, the "collateral murder" video of Reuters journalists and Iraqi civilians as U.S. soldiers cheered, U.S. State Department support of corporations opposing Haitian minimum wage, training of Egyptian torturers by the FBI in Quantico, Virginia, U.S. authorized stealing of U.N. Secretary General's DNA -- the list goes on.
These are not launch
codes for nuclear strikes, operational secrets or even plans for future
military missions. Rather, they are documentation of past activity and
officially sanctioned military and state policy. These are not our
secrets, but our ongoing actions and approaches.
A thinking government--a
virtuous one, if we can still use such a word--would treat this as a
necessary intervention. Things have gone too far. But ours is a
government in "present shock": an always-on, always-connected population
puts the administration in a state of perpetual emergency interruption.
It's not the phone call at 2 a.m. for which a president has to be
prepared, but the tweet at 3, the Facebook update at 4, the YouTube
video at 5, and on and on.
In such a
crisis-to-crisis landscape, there's no time to implement or even
articulate a "grand narrative." A real-time, digital world offers no
sense of mission or opportunity to tell a story. There's no Cold War to
win. No moon shot to work toward. There are just emergent threats, one
after the other after the other. Things just exist in the present, one
tweet - or, actually, many tweets - at a time.
This makes it
exceedingly difficult to frame our policies and strategies with language
and purpose. It's no longer a matter of walking the talk. Without the
talk, there's only the walk. We have no way of judging the ethics and
intentions of our government except by what it actually does.
Combine this with the
transparency that comes with digital technology and our leaders simply
have no choice but to do the right thing. It takes more energy to
prevent exposure than simply to behave consistently with the values we
want to project.
Just as corporations are
learning that they can no longer maintain low prices through overseas
slave labor without getting caught, a democratic government can no
longer maintain security through torture and coercion without being
exposed. Betraying our respect for human dignity only makes us less
resolved as a people, and less trusted as a nation.
We are just beginning to
learn what makes a free people secure in a digital age. It really is
different. The Cold War was an era of paper records, locked vaults and
state secrets, for which a cloak-and-dagger mindset may have been
appropriate. In a digital environment, our security comes not from our
ability to keep our secrets but rather our ability to live our truth.
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The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Douglas Rushkoff.
http://edition.cnn.com/2013/07/30/opinion/rushkoff-manning-verdict/
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